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domingo, 28 de agosto de 2016
viernes, 26 de agosto de 2016
Donald Trump shakes up his team again
Donald Trump shakes up his team again
IN A bid to signal readiness to govern, Hillary Clinton, the Democratic presidential nominee, named the heads of her White House transition team on August 16th. The team—which will vet potential senior members of a Clinton administration and begin policy planning, in a standard practice for major party nominees—will be chaired by Ken Salazar, a centrist former senator from Colorado and ex-interior secretary, distrusted on the left for his pro-trade and pro-business instincts.
A day later, signalling his readiness to wage a bare-knuckle, brutally populist slugging-match to keep Mrs Clinton from power, Donald Trump, the Republican nominee, announced a shake-up of his own team, appointing as his campaign chief executive Stephen Bannon, the chairman of Breitbart News, a hard-right, conspiracy-tinged website. Aides to Mr Trump told the New York Times that the businessman is also being advised on his upcoming debates with Mrs Clinton by Roger Ailes, a vastly experienced media strategist who cut his teeth teaching Richard Nixon how to appear more likeable on television. Mr Ailes resigned as chairman of Fox News in July amid allegations of sexual harassment by female former employees.
his tale of two campaigns came as opinion polls showed Mr Trump continuing to shed support among college-educated whites, married women and other voter blocs that have reliably skewed Republican in successive presidential elections. In interviews, Mr Trump has seethed at media reports that his campaign staff and prominent Republicans yearn for him to “pivot” to a more presidential approach, involving scripted attacks on Mrs Clinton read from a teleprompter. A leading advocate of such a pivot, Paul Manafort, remains Mr Trump’s campaign chairman, but his clout appears diminished by the recruitment of Mr Bannon and a new campaign manager, Kellyanne Conway, a Republican pollster who has worked for Mike Pence, Mr Trump’s running-mate, and Newt Gingrich, the former Speaker of the House of Representatives. It does not help Mr Manafort that he has spent days fending off reports about his time as a highly paid consultant to a Ukrainian political party with close ties to Russia.
Mr Trump still draws large, frenzied crowds to rallies, and appears unwilling to abandon the style—involving appeals to America-first nationalism, doomy talk of crimes committed by immigrants, vengeful attacks on a “lying” press and claims that the November election may be “rigged”—that reliably fires up such gatherings. After all, that approach won him the presidential primary contest. He maintains hefty leads among his most loyal voter blocs, notably older whites without a college degree. But paths to general-election victory involve winning an increasingly daunting number of such voters, in such battlegrounds as Florida, Pennsylvania and the post-industrial Midwest, where his polls are going the wrong way.
Mr Trump calls Mr Bannon and other hires “fantastic people who know how to win”. Republican leaders in Congress—routinely denounced as establishment shills and enemies of the working man by Breitbart News—may have different descriptions for the new Trump team.
A day later, signalling his readiness to wage a bare-knuckle, brutally populist slugging-match to keep Mrs Clinton from power, Donald Trump, the Republican nominee, announced a shake-up of his own team, appointing as his campaign chief executive Stephen Bannon, the chairman of Breitbart News, a hard-right, conspiracy-tinged website. Aides to Mr Trump told the New York Times that the businessman is also being advised on his upcoming debates with Mrs Clinton by Roger Ailes, a vastly experienced media strategist who cut his teeth teaching Richard Nixon how to appear more likeable on television. Mr Ailes resigned as chairman of Fox News in July amid allegations of sexual harassment by female former employees.
Mr Trump still draws large, frenzied crowds to rallies, and appears unwilling to abandon the style—involving appeals to America-first nationalism, doomy talk of crimes committed by immigrants, vengeful attacks on a “lying” press and claims that the November election may be “rigged”—that reliably fires up such gatherings. After all, that approach won him the presidential primary contest. He maintains hefty leads among his most loyal voter blocs, notably older whites without a college degree. But paths to general-election victory involve winning an increasingly daunting number of such voters, in such battlegrounds as Florida, Pennsylvania and the post-industrial Midwest, where his polls are going the wrong way.
Mr Trump calls Mr Bannon and other hires “fantastic people who know how to win”. Republican leaders in Congress—routinely denounced as establishment shills and enemies of the working man by Breitbart News—may have different descriptions for the new Trump team.
sábado, 20 de agosto de 2016
How Can America Recover From Donald Trump?
Donald Trump is heading to November like a certain zeppelin heading to New Jersey, in a darkening sky that crackles with electricity. He is fighting crosswinds and trying new tacks — hiring the head of Breitbart News to run his campaign, trying on a new emotion (regret) in a speechon Thursday night, promising to talk more this week about immigration, his prime subject. There’s still no telling what will happen when the gasbag reaches the mooring.
It could be that the polls are right, and Mr. Trump will go down in flames. But while that will solve an immediate problem, a larger one will remain. The message of hatred and paranoia that is inciting millions of voters will outlast the messenger. The toxic effects of Trumpism will have to be addressed.
The most obvious damage has already been done — to the debate over immigration, a subject that is America’s pride but that can also show the country at its worst. Mr. Trump’s solution is to build an unbuildable border wall and force 11 million people out of the country, while letting millions of “good ones” back in. Or maybe not — now he says he wants to bar immigrants from most of the world, except for a few who pass religious and ideological tests. “Extreme vetting,” he calls it, bringing the Alien and Sedition Acts and McCarthyism into the reality-TV age.
Yes, Mr. Trump speaks frontier gibberish. Outright nativism remains a fringe American phenomenon. But there is no shortage of mainstream politicians who have endorsed his message by endorsing the Republican nominee. Anyone hoping to build a serious solution to immigration after this election will have to confront the unworkable ideas and vicious emotions that Mr. Trump, with many enablers, has dragged into the open.
It seems like a century ago, but it was only 2001 when a Republican president, George W. Bush, began talking about a once-in-a-generation overhaul of the outdated American immigration laws. He sought a bipartisan consensus to boost the economy and make millions right with the law. Then came 9/11. Though sensible immigration reform gained the broad support of the American public, legislation in Congress repeatedly failed, ambushed by hard-core Republican partisans.
It’s no wonder that the nativists are feeling inspired, the bigots emboldened. The white supremacist David Duke is running for the Senate. Stephen Bannon, Breitbart’s chief purveyor of conspiracy theories and anti-Muslim, anti-immigrant venom, is the natural ally of a candidate who hints that President Obama is a secret Muslim and who insists that Muslims in New Jersey danced by the thousands as the towers fell on 9/11.This year brought the fever dream of the Republican National Convention in Cleveland, where speaker after speaker presented a vision of foreigners stealing across the border to rob, rape and kill. Cued by Mr. Trump, they scapegoated immigrants and refugees in general and Latinos and Muslims in particular. The crowd cheered for Sheriff Joe Arpaio, brutalizer of Arizona Latinos, and Rudolph Giuliani, who hollered about terrorists and criminals as if running for mayor of Gotham City.
Optimists, eyes on the polls, hope that Mr. Trump, in losing, will discredit these views and that Republicans next year will sue for peace. Under this scenario Hillary Clinton and Paul Ryan or whoever is running Congress will move fast to push forward a rational immigration reform bill.
Remember, though, the post-mortem that found Republicans chastened after the more genteel nativism of the 2012 Mitt Romney campaign. The last vestiges of that contrition vanished as Mr. Trump, warning about Mexican rapists, vaulted atop the polls.
Trump supporters have now been promised a nation where non-natives, and their children, are locked outside the borders forever. They have been promised, inside a new wall, new factories where everyone will build things, speak only English and be rich. What will happen when they learn that none of this is real?
The challenge to responsible leaders of any political party will be to separate the economic discontent from the bigotry and paranoia that are the key to the Trump phenomenon. The question to future Republican leaders is whether they will even try to do so.
To Trump, Even Losing Is Winning
AMAGANSETT, N.Y. — People run for the presidency for all sorts of reasons. But Donald J. Trump may be the first to run because he sees a presidential campaign as the best way to attract attention to himself. There seems to be no other driving passion in him, certainly not the passion to govern.
He isn’t an ideologue like Ted Cruz, an opportunist like Marco Rubio, a movement builder like Bernie Sanders, a political legatee like Jeb Bush or a policy wonk like Hillary Clinton. For all of them — for any serious candidate — attention is a byproduct of a campaign, not its engine. For Mr. Trump, attention is the whole shebang.
That may be the lesson of his campaign “shake up” earlier this week. The shift is from politics to grabbing attention, and, quite possibly, from winning the election to winning the defeat, which is how he has spent practically his entire career.
Mr. Trump, the real estate magnate, is, after all, the master of taking a property, squeezing out the profit and leaving it for dead, then miraculously turning the loss to his advantage. A failing building or a failing Republican Party: To Mr. Trump, it may be the same thing.
Attention has always been the foundation of Mr. Trump’s modus operandi. Basically, he sells his name: Trump steaks, Trump water, Trump University. You have to hand it to him, though. He discovered that, in a celebrity society like ours, where so many people are competing for attention, running for president puts you a leg up even on the Kardashians.
The demotion of Mr. Trump’s first campaign manager, Corey Lewandowski, and the elevation of his second, Paul Manafort, was supposed to be a political decision. Mr. Manafort was acclaimed as a veteran strategist, a pro, who could facilitate Mr. Trump’s so-called pivot from primary firebrand to general election Solon and make him palatable to mainstream America. Not incidentally, Mr. Manafort would also professionalize the campaign, coordinate with the Republican National Committee, set up a field operation and devise a ground game.
That’s politics. What Mr. Manafort may not have realized, however, is that Mr. Trump’s was never a political campaign, either in the sense that it was operating under traditional political rules or in the sense that winning the election was its real objective.
Mr. Trump is no fool. He couldn’t possibly have thought that insulting the Khans, who had lost a son in combat, or dithering over whether to support the speaker of the House, Paul D. Ryan, or disingenuously hinting that the only way to stop Hillary Clinton was to shoot her, would have boosted his prospects for winning. They only boosted the attention paid to him.
Of course, since the candidate hadn’t been doing anything other than on his own terms, the decision wasn’t a political one any more than Mr. Trump’s is a political campaign. It was a decision designed to make sure he continues to be an attentionmonger rather than another pol. Mr. Bannon, a provocateur at Breitbart, has never run a campaign, but he knows a lot about how to get media attention.Now, with Stephen K. Bannon, the Breitbart News chairman, and the pollster Kellyanne Conway taking over the campaign, the prevailing analysis is that those choices were a strategic decision: an attempt to improve messaging, to find operatives who could work with Mr. Trump rather than change him and to rally his base on his terms.
Nevertheless, that attention, as we are seeing, won’t necessarily help Mr. Trump win the election, which isn’t to say that there might not be a method to his narcissism. Winning means different things to different candidates. It doesn’t always mean winning the vote.
Mike Huckabee used the attention he got in his losing campaign to land a gig on the Fox News Channel. Sarah Palin used hers to get a reality show and enormous speaking fees. Ben Carson used his to sell books. Losers at the ballot box, they were all winners in a manner of speaking.
Television shows, books and speeches would be small potatoes for Mr. Trump, whose dictum, according to his daughter Ivanka, is, “If you’re going to be thinking anyway, you might as well think big.” And that is where attention meets victory.
If you think of his campaign as a real-estate negotiation, the man who coined the term “art of the deal” has taken a huge edifice, plastered his name all over it without investing much in it, and is very likely to abandon it as a troubled asset once the election is over and its value is diminished, leaving others holding the bag, just as he reportedly did during his serial bankruptcies. Only, in this case, the edifice is the Republican Party. It is Mr. Trump’s biggest deal ever.
And Mr. Trump leaves not only with 18 months of headlines and cheering crowds, but with an even bigger brand. Sarah Ellison of Vanity Fair and Brian Stelter of CNN have speculated that Mr. Trump may want to use his new notoriety to build a media empire. His alliance with Mr. Bannon may help him do that. So may his reported linkup with Roger Ailes for campaign advice.
One can well imagine a postelection Citizen Trump crowing that while Hillary Clinton is saddled with four years of headaches and a measly $400,000 salary, he is using the attention he got to make billions more as a media mogul.
Now who’s the loser?
viernes, 19 de agosto de 2016
TOP TRENDS IN USA, iT'S SEEM THE EMPEROR HAS NOT BALLS! eL EMPERADOR PARECE QUE NO TIENE BOLAS... LA ESTATUA DE DONALD TRUMP
Esta estatua que representa a Donald Trum está causando furor en los Estados Unidos. Donald Trump Aparece segundo en los sondeos de opinión en USA, y se ha caracterizado por declaraciones ofensivas para casi todos los sectores de la vida americana. Últimamente, en un esfuerzo por revertir su ostensibe caída en las encuestas ha decidido cambiar a su equipo de campana.
miércoles, 3 de agosto de 2016
Trump Steps Up His Criticism of Khans and G.O.P. Leaders
TOP NEW
Trump Steps Up His Criticism of Khans and G.O.P. Leaders
- Donald J. Trump’s top advisers have urged him to move on from the feud with the family of a Muslim American Army captain, but he has continued to attack.
- Mr. Trump also clashed with Republicans who criticized him, declining to endorse the House speaker, Paul D. Ryan, and Senator John McCain for re-election.
Republicans Should Abandon ‘Unfit’ Trump, Obama Says
President Obama said Republicans’ criticisms of Mr. Trump “ring hollow” as they continue to support his bid for the presidency.
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