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martes, 2 de mayo de 2017

To get the most accurate information around the world, read the best newspaper on the globe The New York Times. FROM THE NEW YORK TIMES. Trump Says U.S. Needs Government ‘Shutdown’

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President Trump walked to the Oval Office with Keith Schiller, his director of operations, on Tuesday.CreditStephen Crowley/The New York Times
WASHINGTON — President Trump said on Tuesday that the United States needed “a good ‘shutdown’” this fall to force a partisan confrontation over federal spending, and suggested that he might move to reverse longstanding Senate rules that effectively require a supermajority to approve most major pieces of legislation.
The declarations, in a pair of posts on Twitter, appeared aimed at defending a spending package that Congress is likely to clear this week, but that fails to accomplish many of Mr. Trump’s stated goals, including any money to build a wall on the southern border that was his most talked-about campaign promise. Conservative activists have decried the agreement as one that does not address their priorities, but the White House has signaled that the president will accept it rather than set off a government shutdown.
The Twitter messages were also an indication of the degree to which bipartisan negotiations in Congress on the spending bill and others, including a health care overhaul that appeared on Tuesday to be stalled yet again, have bedeviled Mr. Trump at this early stage of his presidency, forcing him to bow to political realities to which he had insisted he was immune.
“The reason for the plan negotiated between the Republicans and Democrats is that we need 60 votes in the Senate which are not there!” Mr. Trump said in one post, an apparent reference to the spending package.
The solution, he said, was either to elect more Republican senators in 2018, the next midterm elections, “or change the rules now to 51%.” That appeared to refer to scrapping the so-called filibuster that allows any senator to insist on a three-fifths vote, rather than a simple majority, to act on legislative matters.
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Republicans already moved last month to eliminate the use of the tactic for Supreme Court confirmations, allowing them to move forward with the approval of Justice Neil M. Gorsuch over near-unanimous Democratic opposition.
“Our country needs a good ‘shutdown' in September to fix mess!” Mr. Trump said.
The White House moved swiftly on Tuesday to counteract Mr. Trump’s contention that he had been forced into an agreement he dislikes, claiming victory on the spending package and arguing that the White House had actually outfoxed Democrats who were spoiling for a shutdown.
“They wanted to try and make this president look like he could not govern,” Mick Mulvaney, Mr. Trump’s budget director, told reporters in a conference call. “They wanted to make this president look like he did not know what he was doing, and he beat them on that at the very, very highest level.”
He praised the large increase in military spending in the bill, which dwarfed the money for domestic programs, and said that although no wall funding had been included, increases for border technology, maintenance and repairs would help beef up security on the line between the United States and Mexico.
Democrats, Mr. Mulvaney added, “were desperate to show that we were not reasonable, and we completely destroyed that narrative by negotiating this deal. This is a huge victory for the president.”
But by publicly courting a future shutdown, an extraordinary move for a sitting president, Mr. Trump instead seemed to be confirming his reputation for rash statements that may yield little in the way of follow-through.
“President Trump may not like what he sees in this budget deal, but it’s dangerous and irresponsible to respond by calling for a shutdown,” said Senator Patty Murray, Democrat of Washington and the ranking members of the appropriations committee. “Hopefully, Republicans in Congress will do for the next budget what they did for this one: ignore President Trump’s demands, work with Democrats, and get it done.”

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Indeed, Republicans appeared eager to ignore Mr. Trump’s latest outburst and focus on an agreement they said was worth supporting.
“How many times have I had this: ‘Do you agree with a tweet this morning?’ ” House Speaker Paul D. Ryan, Republican of Wisconsin, joked after being asked about the president’s Twitter statements.
Mr. Ryan said he did “share the president’s frustration” but noted that bipartisan support was required for spending measures.
“Having said all that, I feel very good about the wins we got with the administration in this bill,” Mr. Ryan said.
Many conservative activists were not so enthused. Heritage Action, a conservative group, urged lawmakers to vote “no” on the measure, saying it “woefully fails the test of fiscal responsibility and does not advance important conservative policies.”
Charles Krauthammer, the conservative commentator, said Monday on Fox News: “Trump got rolled. The Republicans got rolled.”
Anti-abortion rights groups also objected because the measure fails to defund Planned Parenthood, a goal that Mr. Trump has said he shares.
“One has to wonder if the Democrats are the majority party in Congress,” said Mat Staver, chairman of Liberty Counsel, a group that promotes socially conservative policies. “We urge President Trump to keep his promise and we call on the Republican Congress to start leading and stop supporting failed policies.”
Mr. Mulvaney said the move to defund Planned Parenthood would wait for enactment of the health care overhaul, a prospect that seemed to be growing more remote, not less, on Tuesday as key Republicans said they could not support it.
“Let there be no mistake about this administration’s commitment to the pro-life movement,” he told reporters during the conference call.
On Tuesday, Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, praised the spending bill, which he said the Senate would vote on later this week, and did his best to portray it as a win for his party.
“This legislation will promote a number of American and conservative priorities,” he said, noting its attendant funding increases for border security and the military, and cuts to climate control programs championed by the Obama administration.
Democrats said Mr. Trump’s tactics assured that partisan rancor would continue to hang over Capitol Hill in the coming months.
“Threatening to shut down the government, on the heels of a successful, bipartisan agreement, is a sour and shameful note to kick off negotiations” for the coming year, said Senator Patrick Leahy, Democrat of Vermont. “I hope the president does not seriously wish to have the consequences of a government shutdown resting squarely on his shoulders.”
Correction: May 2, 2017 
An earlier version of this article referred incorrectly to the filibuster. It allows any senator to insist on a three-fifths vote — not a two-thirds vote — rather than a simple majority to act on legislative matters.

sábado, 29 de abril de 2017

FROM THE NEW YORK TIMES: How Trump Has Reshaped the Presidency, and How It’s Changed Him, Too

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President Trump boarding Air Force One in Maryland on Friday. The president operating on Day 100 is not the same as the one who took office in January. CreditAl Drago/The New York Times
WASHINGTON — In his first 100 days in power, President Trump has transformed the nation’s highest office in ways both profound and mundane, pushing traditional boundaries, ignoring longstanding protocol and discarding historical precedents as he reshapes the White House in his own image.
But just as Mr. Trump has changed the presidency, advisers and analysts say it has also changed him. Still a mercurial and easily offended provocateur capable of head-spinning gyrations in policy and politics, Mr. Trump nonetheless at times has adapted his approach to both the job and the momentous challenges it entails.
As Washington pauses to evaluate the opening phase of the Trump presidency, the one thing everyone seems to agree on is that, for better or worse, the capital has headed deep into uncharted territory. On almost every one of these first 100 days, Mr. Trump has done or said something that caused presidential historians and seasoned professionals inside the Beltway to use the phrase “never before.”
He has assumed even more power for the presidency, expanding President Barack Obama’s use of executive orders to offset the inability to pass major legislation and making it more independent of the Washington establishment. He has been more aggressive than any other president in using his authority to undo his predecessor’s legacy, particularly on trade, business regulation and the environment. And he has dominated the national conversation perhaps more thoroughly than any president in a generation.

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At the same time, he has cast off conventions that constrained others in his office. He has retained his business interests, which he implicitly cultivates with regular visits to his properties. He has been both more and less transparent than other presidents, shielding his tax returns and White House visitor logs from public scrutiny while appearing to leave few thoughts unexpressed, no matter how incendiary or inaccurate. And he has turned the White House into a family-run enterprise featuring reality-show-style, “who will be thrown off the island?” intrigue.
“His first 100 days is a reflection of how much the presidency has changed,” said Janet Mullins Grissom, a top official in President George Bush’s White House and State Department. “The biggest difference between President Trump and his predecessors is that he is the first president in my political lifetime who comes to the office unbeholden to any special interest for his electoral success, thus immune to typical political pressures.”
In effect, she said, that compensates for a victory he secured in the Electoral College without winning the popular vote. “That gives him as much leverage as someone who won with landslide numbers — and the freedom to govern his way,” she said. “And his voters love him for it.”
Where Washington veterans fret about deviations from past norms, Mr. Trump’s supporters see a president willing to shake things up. Where Washington cares about decorum and process, they want a president fighting for them against entrenched powers.
Yet the crockery-breaking leader has shown signs of evolving. The president operating on Day 100 is not the same as the one who took office in January, when he was determined to make nice with Russia, make trouble for China and make war on elites.
By his own account, Mr. Trump has discovered how much more complicated issues like health care and North Korea are than he realized, and he has cast off some of his most radical campaign promises after learning more about the issues.
“I’m more inclined to say the presidency has changed Trump rather than Trump changed the presidency,” said H.W. Brands, a University of Texas professor who has written biographies of multiple presidents, including Ronald Reagan and both Roosevelts. “He has moderated or reversed himself on most of the positions he took as a candidate. Reality has set in, as it does with every new president.”
All the more so for the first president in American history who had never spent a day in government or the military, and surrounded himself with top advisers who had not either. Although Mr. Trump assumed that his experience in business and entertainment would translate to the White House, he has found out otherwise.
“I never realized how big it was,” he said of the presidency in an interview with The Associated Press. “Every decision,” he added, “is much harder than you’d normally make.”
In a separate interview with Reuters, he said: “This is more work than in my previous life. I thought it would be easier.”
Mr. Trump arrived at the White House unimpressed by conventions that governed the presidency. At first, he blew off the idea of receiving intelligence briefings every day because he was “a smart person” and did not need to hear “the same thing every day.” He telephoned foreign leaders during the transition without consulting or even informing government experts on those countries.
 
Video

The Trump Administration: 100 Days in 2 Minutes

A whirlwind tour of the triumphs and setbacks that marked the first 100 days of Donald J. Trump’s presidency.
 By SHANE O’NEILL on Publish DateApril 27, 2017. Photo by Stephen Crowley/The New York Times. Watch in Times Video »
He badgered specific companies on Twitter about moving jobs overseas and called in the chief executive of Lockheed Martin to complain about the cost of the F-35 fighter jet, never mind that presidents typically do not involve themselves in the affairs of individual companies or directly negotiate federal contracts.
Mr. Trump likewise has gleefully taken credit on days that stocks have risen and publicly commented on the strength of the dollar, which presidents generally do not do either, both because it might be viewed as unseemly interference in the markets and because it invites blame when they have a bad day.
His boastfulness knows few bounds. “I truly believe that the first 100 days of my administration has been just about the most successful in our country’s history,” he said in his weekly address on Friday.
His Twitter account, of course, has been the vehicle for all sorts of outbursts that defy tradition, often fueled by the latest segment on Fox News. Presidents rarely taunt reality-show hosts about poor ratings, complain about late-night television comedy skits, berate judges or members of their own party who defy them, trash talk Hollywood stars and Sweden, declare the “fake news” media to be “the enemy of the American people” or accuse the last president of illegally wiretapping them without any proof.
David Gergen, a White House aide to four presidents, including Reagan, noted that Franklin D. Roosevelt talked about the “moral leadership” of the presidency. “Unfortunately, we have lost sight of that vision in recent years, and it has almost disappeared during the first 100 days of the Trump administration,” Mr. Gergen said.
Another change to the presidency involves Mr. Trump’s refusal to release his tax returns — a practice of presidents for 40 years — and his continued ownership of a vast business empire that includes properties both overseas and blocks from the White House. “He has overstepped the ethics limits that have bound all other presidents for decades,” said Norman L. Eisen, a chief White House ethics adviser under Mr. Obama.
Beyond that, Mr. Trump has been slow to create a structure like those in past administrations. Orders and memos have not always been reviewed by all relevant officials. Meetings are not always attended by key aides who are leery of leaving the president’s side. “The notion of a chain of command is gone,” said David F. Gordon, the State Department director of policy planning under President George W. Bush.
But if the presidency had grown somewhat stale under the old norms as its occupants increasingly stuck to carefully crafted talking points and avoided spontaneity, Mr. Trump has brought back a certain authenticity and willingness to engage. His frequent news conferences and interviews can be bracingly candid, uninhibited, even raw. He leaves little mystery about what is on his mind.
“The 2016 election wasn’t a delicate request to challenge existing traditions; it was a demand that our next president do things different,” said Jason Miller, a top adviser to Mr. Trump during the campaign. “And while the professional political class struggles to understand what has happened to their hold on power, supporters of President Trump — the forgotten men and women he referenced in his Inaugural Address — love the change they’re seeing.”
Presumably Mr. Trump will remain impulsive and even impetuous, but he has also been open to advice. He was talked out of lifting sanctions on Russia, moving the American embassy to Jerusalem, abandoning the “one China” policy, tearing up the Iran nuclear agreement, reversing the diplomatic opening to Cuba, closing the Export-Import Bank, declaring China a currency manipulator and, in recent days, terminating the North American Free Trade Agreement. He may still do some or all of these, but by waiting, he has the opportunity to lay the groundwork rather than act precipitously.
He now receives his intelligence briefings most days. And aides said they had noticed signs of growth in office, pointing to his decision to strike Syria after it used chemical weapons on civilians and his private efforts to persuade Egypt to release an imprisoned American aid worker. Both cases showed that Mr. Trump “has absorbed the responsibilities of the office and the impact of the decisions he makes,” said a White House official, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss the boss.
Even if Mr. Trump adapts, though, the larger question is whether the institution will ever be the same. Future presidents may feel freer to make unfounded statements, withhold tax returns or keep private business interests without fear of political penalty. Taboos once broken no longer seem inviolable.
Still, Mayor Rahm Emanuel of Chicago, a senior adviser to President Bill Clinton and chief of staff for Mr. Obama, said there might be a backlash once Mr. Trump leaves office. “After Trump, there will be a collective desire to return to tradition,” he predicted. “Whoever comes next will be the anti-Trump in style and character. That’s how it works.”
Karl Rove, the senior adviser to the younger Mr. Bush, agreed. “President Trump will make it difficult for future presidents to step back from the use of social media,” he said, “but it’s very likely the next administration will be more restrained and less personal.” The next president, he added, will probably deploy social media as a premeditated strategy. “It will be part of a plan, not a method of catharsis.”
Meena Bose, the director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency at Hofstra University, said Mr. Trump’s presidency so far seemed unlike almost any other, except perhaps Andrew Jackson’s. She noted that Jackson was seen as erratic at the time but was later evaluated by historians as a near-great president.
“Might the Trump presidency be viewed similarly someday?” she asked. “Difficult to see at the 100-day mark, but that is an artificial measurement, with so much of the presidency still to come.”

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